28 March 2012
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Patten's
radical model of policing is emasculated in Police (Northern
Ireland) Bill
The Report of the Independent Commission on Policing for Northern
Ireland ( Patten Report) was published in September 1999 (see
Statewatch, vol 9 no 6). It recommended a radical new model
of policing in Northern Ireland. Instead of a highly centralised,
hierarchical, police force, it recommended a policing network
incorporating the community, the police and a whole range of
other agencies in the governance of security. The whole network
would be properly regulated and democratically accountable, financially
and politically through a Policing Board. To underscore the possible
diversity of policing forms, it recommended that the Policing
Board's budget could support forms of policing other than that
provided by the police.
In order create partnerships between the police, other agencies
and the communities at the local level, the Commission recommended
that a District Policing Partnership Board (DPPB) should be set
up for all of the 26 District Councils in Northern Ireland and
four to cover Belfast. Although the Commission suggested that
their functions should be advisory, explanatory and consultative
it also recommended that District councils should have the power
to contribute money to enable DPPBs to purchase additional services
from the police or statutory agencies or from the private sector.
As the better off have always been able to purchase their security
from the private market, this radical recommendation would allow
people living in poor and deprived neighbourhoods to obtain extra
security through their DPPB. Moreover, unlike private security
purchased by the better off, it would be subject to democratic
control and accountability. The Patten Commission further recommended
that all policing should be transparent and open and subject
to human rights.
In January the Secretary of State outlined to Parliament the
Government's decisions on the Patten Commission's main recommendations.
In May it published the Police (Northern Ireland) Bill, which
received its second reading on 6 June. During the debate, the
Secretary of State announced that he had made available his plan
for implementing the proposals, "Patten Report: Secretary
of State's Implementation Plan" http://www.nio.gov.uk/implan.pdf . It notes all 175 recommendations
and records the government's response to each one. The document,
however, is at best vague and inconsistent and, at worst, economical
with the truth. It notes in relation to each of the Pattern Commission's
recommendations whether or not the government agrees with it
or not. It uses five different terms to indicate its position:
Accepted; Accepted partially; Accepted in principle; Accepted
with amendments; and Accepted with safeguards. The terms are
not defined and are used inconsistently suggesting that Alice
in Wonderland has been stalking Stormont Castle. Even the term
"Accepted" means the opposite as so many qualifications
have been made to the recommendation that, in effect, it has
been effectively rejected. For example, the provision that the
Policing Board should have the power to ask the Chief Constable
to report on or inquire into any issue is so restricted that
he or she could find a legitimate reason to refuse every request.
Another Alice in Wonderland expression is the phrase "Legislative
provision provided in the Bill", which is used on numerous
occasions without a single reference to where any of the 175
recommendations appear in the Bill. From a detailed analysis
it is clear that the phrase is highly elastic and is used to
cover the recommendations which have statutory force, others
that may be included in Regulations or Codes of Practice, and
others that may appear in some future legislation. But this still
leaves a number of recommendation for which it is claimed that
"Legislative provision is included in the Police Bill"
but cannot be found. The Secretary of State's paper is therefore
of no help at all for the debate on the Bill and has wasted a
considerable amount of civil service time. It should be immediately
withdrawn and annotated to show where each recommendation has
statutory provision in the Bill or in some other legislation.
In an article in the Irish News (15 June) the Secretary of State
argues that there has been no watering down of the Patten Commission's
radical vision. He went on to say:
"No-one who has read the bill and the government's recently
published implementation plan, and listened to my assurances
that I am ready to make refinements and changes, could seriously
say that I have `binned' or `gutted' Patten."
Statewatch has carried out a detailed analysis of the Patten
Commission's recommendations. The Secretary of State's implementation
plan and the Bill.* Contrary to what the Secretary of State claims,
the Bill has indeed been "gutted" and many of the Patten
Commission's key ideas and radical proposals have been dropped
or severely diluted (* see http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm199900/cmbills/125/2000125.htm).
Some of the more important changes
include:
Partnership policing
· The
central idea of a partnership between the community and the police
for the governance of security has been abandoned: the police
will maintain their dominant role in policing.
· Throughout
the Bill uses the term `police force' to describe the new police
service.
· The
recommendation that there should be 4 DPPBs in Belfast has been
rejected.
· There
is no provision for DPPB's to have any expenditure or service
delivery role.
· There
is no provision for the DPPBs to meet in public.
· Composition
of DPPBs will exclude certain categories of people.
Human Rights
· There
is little statutory provision for Human Rights to become the
corner stone of the new policing.
· The
Chief Constable in discharging his functions has no statutory
obligation to consider Human Rights.
· The
new oath will apply to new recruits only.
· The
Code of Ethics will be drawn up by the Chief constable and not
the Police Board.
· There
is no requirement in the Bill that the Human Rights Commission
must be consulted on a range of policing matters including the
Code of Ethics.
Transparency
· There
is no statutory requirement that everything relating to policing
should be in the public domain unless it is in the public interest
not to release it.
· There
is no statutory requirement to produce statistics on the use
of all police powers and their outcomes.
Name, flags and emblems
· There
is no statutory provision requiring that the name is changed
to the Northern Ireland Police Service.
· There
is no statutory provision requiring that the Union flag is not
flown on police buildings.
· The
Secretary of State not the Police Board will determine the new
emblem for the police.
Police Board
· Many
powers remain with the Secretary of State and not the new Police
Board.
· The
Police Board's powers to demand reports and initiate enquiries
are severely curtailed.
· The
role of First and Deputy First Minister in appointing Chair of
the Board severely weakened and eliminated in the appointment
of Independent members..
· The
police Board cannot investigate past conduct of existing officers.
Composition
· Although
the Patten Commission recommended that the police service should
be representative of the community there is no 50/50 recruitment
rule for the appointment of women.
· There
is no 50/50 recruitment rule for the appointment of Catholics
in civilian police posts.
· There
are time limits on the recruitment scheme.
The government clearly does not want to let go of policing and
it certainly does not want working class communities to have
any power in the governance of security in their areas. The risk
is seen as too great. But as a recent Irish Times editorial expressed
it (6 June):
"Mr Mandelson must not allow any dilution of Patten's vision
He, the civil servants and the Unionist community must let go
of the old RUC and take the risk that the natives can behave
themselves. They did so in 1922 with the establishment of the
Garda Síochána. The likelihood must be that they
can do the same with the Police Service of Northern Ireland."
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